This reads as if a mad picaresque tale. Myers  as first a reporter for RTÉ (Irish state radio and television) and then  as a freelance journalist with no real experience, finds himself  wandering into savagery as he hastens north as the Troubles explode. A  soldier dies next to him; he witnesses an IRA ambush; he sees children  shot to death by snipers. The adjectives pile up: the conditions in  1970s Belfast lead to a life led as lies. Insane, vile, ludicrous,  preposterous characterize what happens to everyday situations turned  into hidden truths, revealed only behind one’s own doors, to one’s own  tribe.
The  prose takes one through barricades and checkpoints wittily if not to me  always accurately. Perhaps as with Myers’ own encounters when he first  ventured into the statelet, today’s intrepid tourists may find the  “pathological hospitality” credited to Northerners but Ballymurphy, the  admittedly dull housing estate in West Belfast, seemed overstated as  “mesmerizingly hideous”. Myers, a mordant critic of nationalist pieties,  heaps scorn on incoherent IRA Belfast one-time leader Seamus Twomey.  Those for whom Twomey claimed to speak and fight, Myers insists, were  rarely asked. “The vote for hostilities was unanimous among those people  with guns: and those without were not consulted”. (89) 
Myers  pinpoints the problem inherent in Irish republicanism as “an almost  autonomous state with an internal folklore that embraces and  indoctrinates those admitted to its mysteries. Suffering, either  inflicted or endured, is a keynote to its ethos”. (14) He contrasts  Twomey’s ravings with today’s republicans with a “telegenic veneer of  suited respectability”. Twomey’s the “raw product: a man indoctrinated  in the ways of death, who had repeatedly and casually caused men to be  murdered. These deeds meant nothing to him: his eyes were not cold but  angry, as if he lived his life in a permanently homicidal rage. His soul  knew no pity, his conscience no sin”. (91) 
The  IRA never wants to claim responsibility, as Myers argues it, for the  Troubles; republicans blame a white Cortina’s disappearance before a  bombing, or they blame the system. And even when blame’s justified, as  with Bloody Sunday, why its fourteen sudden deaths garner far more  publicity than the fifteen blown up by loyalist terrorists a month  earlier at McGurk’s pub mystifies him as a reporter. But, such news  ensures his own paycheck, and his pursuit of such horrors creates his  own career. 
Not  that the British troops, their commanders, the loyalist paramilitaries,  the nutting squads escape opprobrium. “Everyone in Northern Ireland  lied. Everyone, without exception: republicans, loyalists, soldiers,  police—everyone. Lying is easy in such a place. It is the default mode  to which everyone turns when there is no consensus about truth. In the  absence of an agreed reality, truth is whatever you’re having yourself”.  (117-8) Myers names the victims, and makes us watch as they die. He  tallies forty people he knew who died in the North, and another eight he  did not, but whom he watched die. We like him are forced to remember  how statistics cloak murder, and how anguish shatters those left behind.
Myers  rails against the warped Fenian perspective for those trapped there by  their own stubbornness. “The Northern Irish nationalist ghetto  experience” ensured that those “north of the drumlins concocted  stereotypes, and then lived their lives surrounded by these people of  their own imagination”. (145) As the son of Dubliners who left during  WWII for work in Britain, his first name and his own English accent from  his Leicester upbringing mark him as close enough to be suspected for  his Catholic loyalties, foreign enough to stand out among the unionists.  He’s also suspected as an undercover British officer spying on the  paramilitaries. He judges himself one of the only men frequenting both  the Falls and the Shankill Roads as he crosses sectarian lines to drink  among those thugs who—as with the sinister UVF loyalist despot “Rab  Brown”-- may plot his own demise from within the pub, if later that very  night. 
As  the decade and the Troubles grind on, Myers loses his bearings. He  struggles to find work, to keep girlfriends (although he beds an  impressive number), and to stay sane amidst the “exonerative moral  machinery” which grinds down his resistance to republican rhetoric and  unionist idiocy. As a “semi-hippy”, his loyalty to the factions  supposedly fighting against imperialism turn tested as the Official  IRA’s contorted justifications for capitalist gain in the service of a  Marxist revolution confound even him. (See my Amazon US review of "The Lost Revolution" by Brian Hanley & Scott Millar; this cites Myers briefly.)  
Everyone fighting against the Crown gets paid by it, for housing, rebuilding grants, the dole, and this turns the first war where both enemies benefit from a common benefactor and (sometimes) foe. The years wear him down, as he hears over and over how the IRA allows its members immunity for the most hideous outrages. The cant of its volunteers and the endlessly one-sided recital of their woes disgust him. “For immunity-to-consequence was both a by-product of the Troubles, and its fuel, rather as a nuclear reactor can run on its own waste”. (230)
Everyone fighting against the Crown gets paid by it, for housing, rebuilding grants, the dole, and this turns the first war where both enemies benefit from a common benefactor and (sometimes) foe. The years wear him down, as he hears over and over how the IRA allows its members immunity for the most hideous outrages. The cant of its volunteers and the endlessly one-sided recital of their woes disgust him. “For immunity-to-consequence was both a by-product of the Troubles, and its fuel, rather as a nuclear reactor can run on its own waste”. (230)
Still,  Myers for all his acerbic contempt for all involved in taking a  guerrilla war into a densely populated city manages to admit the  “compulsive generosity” and unbroken gallantry of a resilient and kind  resident who endures in the West Belfast ghettoes with admirable good  will and innate decency. He fills the narrative with vivid reportage  from his perspective, starting with the Shaws Road ambush he tape  recorded after he stumbled upon its IRA setup, and continuing into  Robert Bankier’s last breath as a British soldier, the final moments of  Rose McCartney and Patrick O’Neill at the hands of loyalist killers, and  a bomb attack Myers narrowly misses meant for that “deeply  manipulative” republican apologist to “revolutionary tourists”, John  McGuffin. Myers provides abundant tragedy, danger, and narrow escapes. 
Luckily,  he intersperses happier tales. His best, such as Lady Henrietta  Guinness meeting the consumers of her family’s stout in West Belfast’s  pubs, combine a poignant moment with a satirical relish for the absurd  that all too often became the ordinary. He loves relating his two  escapades when the man of the house returned and Myers had to hide from  the cuckold; his visit to his friend Barney’s brothel, surely the least  successful in all of Ulster, represents a comic triumph. My favorite  episode, near the end of this often dispiriting narrative, managed to  lift my spirits. His hosting of Shannon, an utterly unspeakable American  feminist, who befuddles Myers with her contradictions, as a splendid  set piece succeeds. 
His  memoir confronts his own complicity as a journalist who becomes too  intimate with those who he meets, for Myers looks back upon his own  compulsion to mix with the natives turned friends, lovers, and  neighbors. Malachi O’Doherty’s The Telling Year: Belfast 1972 (see my Amazon or "Blogtrotter" review)  documents a similar experience by a fellow journalist, but a native who  finds himself reporting on his own neighbors. As for Myers, he attempts  to reduce the tension. He arranges a meeting across enemy lines.  This  backfires. He flees to another district after loyalist brutes through  whom he tried to broker a truce target him. Everyone talks to him, but  Myers learns that half-truths fill their admissions. He is never trusted  enough by any side.
Nobody’s  innocent, at least those who he estimates provided fifty silent  supporters in every community for the one among them who fired back.  Certainly, his judgment of the IRA also stands for the recruits and  activists whom the republicans fought. Loyalists and “security forces”  indulged in their own equally lucrative, cynical, and repellent  campaigns. While history often earned the appeal and politics the  justification for violence and intimidation, Myers denies their  ideological legitimacy. “The Provisional IRA did not consult the living,  only the past and future: the present meant nothing to them”. (226) 
Of  the catalyst for the deaths which sparked the doomed Peace People,  Myers writes that the only sacrifices which mattered to the republicans  were when the wrongs were committed by the other side. In this spiral of  violence, it reminded me of Orwell’s 1984. As in Oceania, the  IRA declared war against one if not always two of its opponents, as  allies turned sudden enemies and friends were targeted as foes. This  malignant maelstrom before decade’s end spun him out of the province, as  he tried to escape the degradation that corroded his professional  career and personal life. As I finished, I wondered what he learned, for  the back cover tells us he went on to cover civil war in 1980s Lebanon  and 1990s Bosnia. (Posted in slightly shorter and edited form to Lunch.com & Amazon US 4-26-11)







